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05 February, 2019

I beg your attention please by U Kyaw Min (CRPP)

Saudia is a rich country. It can feed all Rohingya refugees for years, but it is deporting destitute Rohingyas. India the largest democracy which had sheltered and protected various refugees in the past, is now unwilling to give refuge to Rohinhya, and fresh news of the arrest and forced deportation is online. Myanmar’s offer of repatriation 300 people a day, five days a week will take more than 20 years at least to complete the repatriation. Remaining Rohingyas in the country are either in IDP camps or in strict confinement in their own villages losing .. their basic rights and having been stagnated their sustenance for the past seven years. Bangladesh says she will send the refugees to Bachan Char, a newly appeared offshore island prone to cyclone devastation so that the refugees are swept away by cyclone or sonami resulting in the culmination of Rohingya crisis once and for all. The world is apathetic. Two superpowers are strongly opposing any solution, humanitarian or otherwise. Reporting, analyzing, debating, conferencing and even passing resolutions are not the solution of the Rohingya crisis. Rohingyas are extremely desperate and in utter  despair. It is high time for humanity to consider seriously to rescue this devastating human species. The means and ways of timely salvation are well known to the world. Mine is only a request on behalf of the whole Rohingya community, as a legal and elected representative of that community.  I can claim that leading status among the Rohingyas. . I beg your urgent and serious attention. It is too late. Now is the time.
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24 January, 2019

၁၉၇၈ ခု ဘဂၤလားၿမန္မာ ကတိစာခ်ဳပ္

      

– ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသားေတြမဟုတ္ဘူးလုိ႔ ျမန္မာအစုိးရက ေၾကျငာေနေပမယ့္ ၁၉၇၈ ခုႏွစ္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္နဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတုိ႔ရဲ႕ လွ်ိဳ႕၀ွက္သေဘာတူညီခ်က္မွာ ျမန္မာအစုိးရဟာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ ႏုိင္ငံသား အျဖစ္ တရား၀င္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳထားတယ္လုိ႔ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ မီဒီယာတစ္ခုျဖစ္တဲ့ Dhaka Tribune က မေန႔မွာ ေဖာ္ျပလုိက္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာအစုိးရဟာ လူနည္းစု ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ဖက္ ထြက္ေျပးရေအာင္ စနစ္တက် အၾကမ္းဖက္ ေနေၾကာင္း၊ ေအဒီ ၈ ရာစုေလာက္ကတည္းက ရွိခဲ့တဲ့ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြနဲ႔ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ရဲ႕ သမုိင္းနဲ႔ခ်ီတဲ့ ဆက္စပ္ မႈကုိ ေဖ်ာက္လုိတဲ့အတြက္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ အသုိင္းအ၀ုိင္းအေနနဲ႔ ‘႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာ’ ဆုိတဲ့ စကားလံုးကုိ မသံုးဖုိ႔အတြက္ ျမန္မာအစုိးရက ေတာင္းဆုိထားေၾကာင္း ၀ဘ္ဆုိက္က ဆုိပါတယ္။
‘မူလႏုိင္ငံသုိ႔ ျပန္ပုိ႔ေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္’ ဆုိတဲ့ေခါင္းစဥ္နဲ႔ ၁၉၇၈ ခုႏွစ္မွာ ျမန္မာနဲ႔ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္တုိ႔ လွ်ိဳ႕၀ွက္ လက္မွတ္ေရးထုိးခဲ့တဲ့ စာခ်ဳပ္မွာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္းမွာ တရား၀င္ေနထုိင္သူ ေတြ အျဖစ္ ျမန္မာ အစုိးရက ၀န္ခံထားတာကုိ Dhaka Tribune က ေထာက္ျပခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အဲဒီစာခ်ဳပ္ကုိ ၂၀၁၄ ခုႏွစ္မွာ Princeton တကၠသုိလ္က ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့တာျဖစ္ၿပီး Forbes က ဒီအေၾကာင္းကုိ ထပ္ဆင့္ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
Dhaka Tribune ကေတာ့ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ကစလုိ႔ ျမန္မာအစုိးရဟာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ ဖိႏွိပ္ခဲ့ၿပီး ၁၉၇၇ ခုႏွစ္မွာ ‘ႏုိင္ငံျခားသား’ ေတြကုိ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ေရးဆုိတဲ့ ေခါင္းစဥ္နဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံသားစီစစ္ေရးကို လုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ အထူး သျဖင့္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ ပစ္မွတ္ထားတာ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္ဟာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ကေန ႐ုပ္သိမ္းတာ၊ အဓမၼက်င့္တာ၊ သတ္ျဖတ္ တာေတြ ကုိ လုပ္ေဆာင္တယ္လုိ႔ သတင္းေတြထြက္ခဲ့ၿပီး ၁၉၇၈ ခုႏွစ္ ေမလအတြင္းမွာ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ၂ သိန္းေလာက္ဟာ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ကုိ ထြက္ေျပးလာခဲ့ရကာ နယ္စပ္က ကုလရဲ႕ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္း ၁၃ ခုမွာ ေနထုိင္ခဲ့ရတယ္လုိ႔လည္း Dhaka Tribune က ဆုိပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာအာဏာပုိင္ေတြကေတာ့ ဒီလုိ ထြက္ေျပးသြားသူေတြဟာ တရားမ၀င္ ေနထုိင္သူေတြျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ ေျပာၾကား ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း Forbes ရဲ႕ ေဖာ္ျပမႈကုိ Dhaka Tribune က ကုိးကားထားပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမယ့္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ဟာ ဒီဒုကၡသည္တြကုိ ျမန္မာဖက္က ျပန္ေခၚဖုိ႔ တုိက္တြန္းခဲ့ၿပီး ကုလရဲ႕ အကူအညီနဲ႔အတူ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံနဲ႔ သေဘာတူစာခ်ဳပ္ ခ်ဳပ္ဆုိခဲ့ပါတယ္။
‘မူလႏုိင္ငံသုိ႔ ျပန္ပုိ႔ေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္’ ဆုိတဲ့ အဲဒီစာခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ အပုိဒ္ ၁(က) မွာ
“ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္က ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းေတြမွာ ခုိလႈံေနၿပီး အမ်ိဳးသားမွတ္ပံုတင္ကတ္ျပားရွိတဲ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ တရား၀င္ေနထုိင္သူေတြကုိ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ ခင္ပြန္း၊ ဇနီး၊ မိဘ၊ ေယာကၡထီးေယာကၡမ၊ သားသမီးအရင္း၊ ေမြးစားသားသမီး၊ ေျမး၊ သားမက္၊ ေခၽြးမနဲ႔ မုဆုိးမျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ အစ္မ၊ ညီမေတြနဲ႔အတူ ပထမဆံုး အသုတ္ အေန နဲ႔ ျပန္လည္လက္ခံဖုိ႔ ဆုိရွယ္လစ္ သမၼတ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက သေဘာတူပါတယ္” လုိ႔ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။
၁၉၉၁ ခုႏွစ္ကေန ၁၉၉၂ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္း ဖိႏွိပ္မႈနဲ႔ ဘာသာေရးခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္မႈေတြေၾကာင့္ ေနာက္ထပ္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ၂ သိန္းခြဲေလာက္ဟာ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ဖက္ကုိ ထြက္ေျပးလာရၿပီး ၁၉၉၂ ခုႏွစ္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္နဲ႔ ျမန္မာတုိ႔ “Joint statement by the foreign ministers of Bangladesh & Myanmar issued at the conclusion of the official visit of the Myanmar Foreign Minister to Bangladesh 23-28 April 1992″ ဆုိတဲ့ ေခါင္းစဥ္နဲ႔ ခ်ဳပ္ဆုိခဲ့တဲ့ စာခ်ဳပ္မွာလည္း ျမန္မာဖက္က ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ ထပ္မံ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳထားတယ္လုိ႔ Dhaka Tribune က ထည့္သြင္း ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။
ေနာက္ဆံုးမွာေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအေနနဲ႔ ယခင္က သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ေတြကို ေဖာက္ဖ်က္မႈ၊ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြ အေပၚ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈေတြကုိ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအသုိင္းအ၀ုိင္းက သိရွိဖုိ႔လုိၿပီး၊ လက္ရွိ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ လူသားခ်င္း စာနာေထာက္ထားမႈဆုိင္ရာ ျပႆနာေတြအတြက္ စီးပြားေရးနဲ႔ သံတမန္ေရးဆုိင္ရာ ပိုမိုဖိအားေပးဖုိ႔ တုိက္တြန္းထားပါတယ္။
Ref: Dhaka Tribune
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01 July, 2018

Government of Myanmar and United Nations Agencies sign MoU on assistance to the repatriation process of displaced persons from Rakhine State


Published on 06 Jun 2018
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1.      The Ministry of Labour, Immigration and Population (IvloLIP) of the Government of Myanmar and United Nations Agencies signed the Memorandum of Understanding on assista.nce to the repatriation process of displaced persons from Rakhine State at the National Reconciliation and Peace Centre. Nay Pyi Taw, today.
2.      The signing of the MOU is the result of the invitation by the Government of Myanmar to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), to assist the Government in the implementation of the "Arrangement on Return of Displaced Persons from Rakhine State" an agreement which was signed between the Governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh on 23 November 2017. Myanmar is committed to the speedy mplementation of the agreement and has undertaken preparations since then.
3.      The signing of the MIX is expected to enhance the work already undertaken by the Government of Myanmar since last year for the voluntary, safe and dignified repatriation of the displaced persons. It is hoped that with the UN' s involvement, the repatriation process will hasten.
4.      The MOU confirms UNDP and UNHCR' s support to the Government' s comprehensive and durable solutions to the issue of displacement and its as contained in the Government of Myanmar' s statement dated 24 August 2017. In this regard, the UNHCR will assist the Government of Myanmar, inter alia, in the implementation of the voluntary repatriation and the reintegration of all those who return Under this MOU; assist the government to conduct assessments at their potential pilot project sites; support pilot coexistence and other programmes benefiting all comniunities; work with UNDP to prepare the conditions for recovery and resilience-based development in potential areas.
5.      Whereas, the UNDP, will assist the government of Myanmar inter alia, to coordinate and support the necessary assessments related to community resilience-building; to undertake the planning process for resilience-base recovery and development that will benefit all communities; to promote social cohesion among the communities: to support access to livelihoods.
6.      Myanmar and UN previously had a successful cooperation in the field of voluntary, safe and dignified return of displaced persons. ln 1993, the Government of the Union of Myanmar and UNHCR signed a MOU to provide a framework of assistance and cooperation in the context of the voluntary repatriation programme from Bangladesh and some 230.000 displaced persons were repatriated.
7.      The ceremony began with the welcome remarks by U Kyaw Tint Swe, Union Minister for the Office of the State Counsellor, with the MoU signed by Permanent Secretary of MoLIP, UN Resident Coordinator a.i., and UNHCR representative, and followed by a reception hosted by the Union Minister for the Office of the State Counsellor.
8.      The signing of the MOU was jointly witnessed by the Union Ministers from concerned ministries, ambassadors and diplomats from missions. representatives from United Nations, government officials from relevant ministries and guests. The MOU was initialed on 31st May 2.018, and after completing necessary procedures, the MOU was signed today.


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08 May, 2018

"Rohingyas are equal and full citizens and an ethnic minority integral to the Union of Burma"

"Rohingyas are equal and full citizens and an ethnic minority integral to the Union of Burma": Myanmar Military Leadership, July 1961
 
Un-official translation of the official Burmese transcript of the speech delivered by Vice-Chief-of-Staff (Army) Brigadier General Aung Gyi, 4 July 1961.

https://maungzarni.net/en/news/rohingyas-are-equal-and-full-citizens-and-ethnic-minority-integral-union-burma-myanmar-military

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10 April, 2018

The Traditional Demand of the Rohingya of North Arakan (3)


The Demands of Mujahid and the Government’s Reactions

By Aman Ullah

“Man is distinguished from animal by the struggle for recognition.” Hegel
Why Mujahid Movement in Arakan?
Up to 1923 Burma was part of British India under Lieutenant Governor. After the Round Table Conference in London, in accordance with the counsel of Simon Commission, Burma was separated from British India in 1937, under the Indian Act of 1935. Dr. Ba Maw was the first Prime Minister of British Burma and later in 1939, U Saw (Galoon U Saw), the killer of Gen Aung San and his men, also became Prime Minister. After becoming Prime Minister U Saw declared that, “Until and unless the Muslims of Arakan cannot prove that their grandfather or grandmother has the real Burma blood, they will be treated as foreigners. That’s mean that if the flow of Burma blood is not found in them, they will be deprived their civic rights.
In 1942, at the instigation of Thakin Party men, gangs of Buddhist Arakanese in the south part of Arakan, where Buddhists constitute a majority, raided Muslim villages and thousands of innocent Muslims were placed on the point of sword. They perpetrated brutal torture on the Muslim women and the tender infants were places on the point of spares. An atmosphere of terror was created by them. The horror and massacre of this fight were so great that being quite unable to stand it. As a result about 100,000 of Muslims were killed and rendering 500,000 homeless. About 80,000 fled to Bengal and took shelter in Refugee camps of Chittagong and Rangpur.
A conspiracy was fabricated to deprive Rohingya Muslims of their right to vote in the Legislative Council election in 1947 labeling them as foreigners, alien and intruders and a large number of Muslims’ names were removed from the voters list. It was all done in the sight of world community. The Jamiat resisted the evil move and eventually became able to restore a plausible numbers of their names in the voter list. Mr. Sultan Ahmad President of Jamiat and his deputy Mr. Abdul Ghaffar was elected members in the Legislative Council to the Burma.
In the mean time, there was a rumor afoot that the Muslims of Arakan border would be shifted to Central Burma and Magh would be placed in their place. The wounds of 1942 massacre were yet to be healed when the Muslims were meted out step-motherly treatment by the Burmans in 1947. Added to these grievances, the new harassment and atrocities inflicted upon the Muslims were just like throwing them from frying pan to the fire. The Muslims were becoming more certain now that their existence and survival is in great danger.
Considering their insecurity and uncertainty of their position, they strongly felt that they need a strong political body by which they may collectively face for their existence and survival. However, as there was no peaceful and secure atmosphere were found for them anywhere in Burma, they were compelled to organize the Mujahid Party. Though under the unavoidable circumstances and undue pressure on them, they have been compelled to take arms, they have definitely moral ways pertaining to their political demands. They declared their seven points political demands including; to form an Autonomous Muslims State named North Arakan with Buthidaung, Rathidaung and Maungdaw taking the region from the western part of Kaladan River and eastern part of Naf River. This region will remain under the Union of Burma.
Their Seven-Point Demands
The Mujahid Party, which was formed at Dabbori Chaung village of Buthidaung Towship declared the following seven-point demands on August 29, 1947. As it was declared at Dabbori Chaung, it was known as Dabbori Chaung Declaration.
1. To from an Autonomous Muslims State named North Arakan with Buthidaung, Rathidaung and Maungdaw taking the region from the western part of Kaladan River and eastern part of Naf River. This region will remain under the Union of Burma.
2. To formed an Army named North Arakan Muslim Regiment by the help of those Muslim youths who possess Military Training or Military Experience in North Arakan. The Muslim youths of this regiment will sacrifice their lives for an inch of land in the case of foreign attack.
3. Urdu must be accepted as a regional language and a medium of instruction of North Arakan. But Burmese Language will remain compulsory as a national language.
4. Responsible Government Officials for North Arakan State must be appointed from the local Muslims. But a Burmese advisor on behalf of the Central Government may remain in this region.
5. The non-Muslim minority community of the North Arakan will have the similar fair treatment like other Muslim minority of other parts of Burma.
6. The Department of Foreign Affairs, Defence, Finance, and Commerce will remain directly under the Central Government. As regards the rest, what should remain under the local authority should be decided by the joint discussion of the Central and Local representatives and concurrently shared by both the Center and Local Authority.
7. Subject to the acceptance of the above conditions by the Burmese Government, a Pact will be signed by the Mujahid Representatives and the Burmese Government. But before the signing of the Pact, a General Amnesty must be announced to the other Muslim Political Leaders along with the Mujahid Party of North Arakan. Thereupon in accordance with the Section II of the Pact, the Mujahids known as Muslim Regiment of North Arakan will have the same privilege like the National Army of Burma, and they will be included in the Burma Regular Army as Territorial Force of North Arakan.
The Reactions of the Government
To consider their seven-point demands there were discussions on 3 occasions between the Government representatives and the Mujahideen leaders.
• Mr. Abul Bashar, a former Township Officer and later an elected M.P, was sent by the Government to Thamy to discuss with Mujahids and the Mujahideen submitted their seven-point demands to him.
• Some leading local persons along with the North Arakan Muslim Members of Parliament were sent to Thamy Village of Buthidaung for mutual exchange of ways and means. They proposed that the demands of Mujahideen would be considered if they leave off arms. Whereas, the Mujahideen representative did not want to do it till the acceptance of their demands.
• Mr. Sultan Ahmed M.P and Mr. Abdul Gaffer M.P were sent to Fakira Bazar in Maungdaw. But they also had to return without success.
In February 1950, the then Prime Minister U Nu, Minister of Minority Affairs U Aung Zan Wai accompanying the Pakistan Ambassador in Burma Sardar Aurangzeb came to Maungdaw in order to hold discussion o the seven-point demands of the Muslims of North Arakan and summoned the representatives who crossed from Teknaf by the scouts. U Nu gave assurance to them that if they came to the legal fold, the Central Government itself would consider their demands. He also gave assurance to those who took refuge in the East Pakistan that a welfare officer would be appointed in order to assist them and the government would take the task of rehabilitation of the refugees. If any refugee returned to the land within specific time, they would not be put into troubles by the Immigration Act; complaints of such nature would remain postponed.
None of such assurances were ever entertained. On the other hand, the new Burmese administration formed a frontier security force known as Burma Territorial Force (BTF) with local recruits since 1949. In Arakan 90% of the BTF was manned with Arakanese Buddhists particularly those who are sworn enemies of the Muslims. The BTF under the direction of the Deputy Commissioner of Akyab district, Kyaw U, a Magh, unleashed a reign of terror in the whole north Arakan. Muslim men, women and children were mowed down by machine gun fire. Hundreds of intellectuals, village elders and Ulema were killed like dogs and rats. Almost all Muslim villages were razed to the ground. The BTF massacre triggered refugee exodus into the then East Pakistan numbering more than 50,000 people.
As the demands of the Muslims to correct the injustices, and allow them to live as Burmese citizens according to the law, and not to subject them to arbitrariness and tyranny, were not listened the Mujahid insurrection gained momentum and spread quickly. In June, 1949 the 26th battalion, Union Military Police, stationed in Arakan mutinied and together with communists and PVO brought the fall of Kyaukpyu and Sandoway both being district headquarters. Thus government control was reduced to the port of Akyab only, whereas the Mujahids were in possession of all of north Arakan, and other groups of Arakanese Buddhist rebels had other districts in their control.
Thus, while the central government was busy putting down rebellion that broke out in other places in Burma and was unable to devote itself to Arakan then the government made some attempts to negotiate with the rebels.
What the Muslims of North Arakan achieved by the Mujahid movement?
By dint of the pressure Mujahid movement and to get rid from it, the Central Government had compelled to do the followings: -
• On 25th Sept. 1954 at 8:00 p. m., the then Prime minister of Burma, U Nu, in his radio speech to the nation declared Rohingya as an indigenous ethnic community. All basic rights of Rohingyas had been restored to certain extent. The government tried to convince the Muslim leaders and Parliament members that it was a futile exercise to go on rebellion as the rights of Rohingyas had been restored.
• Prime Minister U Nu and Defence minister U Ba Swe visited Buthidaung and Maungdaw towns in 1959. They held big political rallies in those towns where they spoke of recognising Rohingya as an indigenous ethnic community of Burma like the Shan, Kachin and Karen. They also promised equal rights to them as citizens of Burma.
• On 1 May 1961 the Government created the Mayu Frontier Administration, area covering Maungdaw, Buthidaung and western part of Rathidaung Townships under the Military administration. It was done instead of establishing a ‘Muslim National Area’ in north Arakan with substantial local autonomy but not autonomous rule.
• A special police force in the name of Mayu Ray was raised with the recruits from local Muslims. The situation of law and order were improved. Economic, education, health improvement were done by the Frontier Administration. It was only administration that favored the wellbeing of the Rohingya s during the post Independent Burma.
• Rohingya Language was aired by the Burmese Broadcasting Service (BBS) twice a week till 24th October 1965. Rohingya Representatives were invited to 12 February Union Day celebration in every year.


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The Traditional Demand of the Rohingya of North Arakan (2)


The Demands of of Jamiatul Ulama and Its Achivement

By Aman Ullah

Jamiatul Ulama in North Arakan, the first Political Organization of Rohingya, was established in 1932 under the leadership of Moulana Abdus Subhan Mazaheri. Moulan Habibur Rahman. Moulana Amir Hamza, mufti Saeedur Rahman, Moulana Sayed Azeem, Moulana Sultan Ahmad, Moulana Abdush Shakur and Moulana Abul Khair were prominent members of Majlis-e Shoura.
In 1947, Aung San and his companions took a stoppage in Delhi on their way to London to meet British Prime Minister Lord Clement Atley. During their stay in Delhi, they met Qaide Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Jawaherlal Nehru. As Jamiat got the news of Burmese delegate a week before, formed a 4 members delegate to meet them. The Jamiat delegate was as follows:

1-Moulan Abdul Quddus Mazaheri (1924-1993),
President of Jamiat, head of the delegate
2-Maulana Sultan Ahmad General Secretary of Jamiat, member
3-Moulana Abu Bakr Siddique member executive comity of Jamiat, member
4-Three other people one of them a Muslim scholar from Rangoon
They met Aung San and his companions at the residence of Jauharlal Nehru at New Delhi and talked to them for 25 minutes. They submitted a memorandum to them demanding the following issues:
1. To rehabilitate those Muslim Refugees evicted and driven away by torture and tyranny mainly Arakanese Muslims who had been forced to take shelter for their lives in the Districts of Rangpur, Dinajpur and other places of the then British India.
2. To give freedom in the observance of Religious rights in Burma regularly and peacefully;
3. To revive the pilgrimage of Hjis which was suspended due to the world war II;
4. Not to frame any law in the constitution of Burma without the opinion and consent of minorities of Burma;
5. To make obligatory for the Government for providing employment to the minorities of Burma in proportion to their population, fitness and qualification;
6. The Government should make provision for the equal seats of the Muslims of Burma in the parliament as the second majority on the basis of Equality, Justice and Fair-play.
With the regard to above items from No.1 to 5, General Aung San and his Party promised to materialize the terms and conditions of the delegation except the items No.6, which he agreed to refer to the parliament for consideration later on.
On 7 March 1947, Jamiatul Ulama of North Arakan under the leadership of Barrister Dr. Maulana Sana Ullah met British parliament member Ross William –head of Ross William Commission– in the city of Memyo and submitted a memorandum wherein they demanded that area between Kaladan and Naf River should be declared as a state pertaining to Rohingya Muslims.
A conspiracy was fabricated to deprive Rohingya Muslims of their right to vote in the Legislative Council election in 1947 labeling them as foreigners, alien and intruders and a large number of Muslims’ names were removed from the voters list. It was all done in the sight of world community. The Jamiat resisted the evil move and eventually became able to restore a plausible numbers of their names in the voter list. Mr. Sultan Ahmad President of Jamiat and his deputy Mr. Abdul Ghaffar were elected members in the Legislative Council to the Burma. The Jamiat also got elected in both upper house and lower house after independence. A great deal of efforts was met to achieve an autonomous state in North Arakan for Rohingya Muslims.

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The Traditional Demand of the Rohingya of North Arakan (1)


By Aman Ullah

After math of 25 August 2017, most of us deeply feel that we, Rohingya need a protected homeland. That means, we, Rohingyas need a piece of safe and secure land on the earth which we can call home, where we can be Rohingya, where we go to school, access medical services, have proper villages, tend to our farms and look after our families – without having to fear being locked in this cycle of large scale terror and violence, forced repatriation, – until the next waves of killing and destruction comes.
Specially, it was the central message of the Berlin Conference on Myanmar Genocide, which was held at Berlin recently, that the world need to be talking about "protected return of the Rohingya to their protected homeland", on their ancestral land inside Northern Rakhine or Arakan, from which they have been forcibly and violently driven out.
However, there should be a broad based or popular based of wide based consensus of opinion among our Rohingyas on this. We need to mobilize to entire community to get their consents. In this regards, I think, we need to know or to understand our traditional demands our fore fathers. Therefore, I make a humble attempt to compile the traditional demands of our people.
Since Burmese independence in 1948, the Rohingyas have been struggling for their right of self-determination upholding the principle of peaceful co-existence within Burmese federation. They have long been trying to identify themselves with the Union of Burma on the basis of equality and justice. They think that the individual rights is not enough for them; they need their collective rights as a people, as an ethnic group, as a nationality who speak different language, who practice different culture, who worship different religion and who also has different historical background and, above all, all of us have territorial clearly defined homelands and nations since time immemorial.
That’s why they want to rule their homeland by themselves They are trying to find a political and legal system which will allow them to rule their respective homelands by themselves, and at same time living peacefully together with others who practice different religions and cultures and speak different languages. In other words, they are trying to find a political system which can combine and balance between “self-rule” for different ethnic groups and “shared-rule” for all the peoples in the Union of Burma.
For this reason the Muslims of Arakan rendered their support to the British against the Japanese occupation in order to strengthen their standing in the region and encourage Muslim loyalty, the British had published a declaration granting them the status of a Muslim National Area. This entire area was re-conquered by the British at the beginning of 1945. The British set up Peace Committees and organized civilian administrations which functioned until Burma was granted independence in January, 1948. Most of the office-holders were local Muslims, Rohingya, who had previously cooperated with the British.
The principal political effect of the ‘Peace Committee of North Arakan’ was that it made the Muslims of Arakan autonomy conscious. The promise of British to create a Muslim national area doubled their desire for Muslim state. However, when the demand of Muslim State was put to Rees William Commission, the result was not good.
For this consciousness they went to Mohammed Ali Jinnah in 1947 either to fight for including north Arakan within Pakistan or pressurize General Aung San to grant autonomy to the Muslims of north Arakan. To form an autonomous Muslim State, they took arms and was demanded “To form an autonomous Muslim State in north Arakan, comprising Buthidaung, Rathedaung and Maungdaw townships from the west of Kaladan River up to the eastern part of the Naf River that will remain under the Union of Burma.”
For this reason they joined hands with Arakanese Communist Party led by U Tun Aung Pru to fight together until the fall of the AFPFL’s government with the understanding that Muslims would take the western side of Kaladan whereas the rest of Arakan would be under the control of Arakan Communist Party.
For this reason they took arms and demanded that all the injustices against the Muslims of Arakan be corrected and that they be allowed to live as Burmese citizens, according to the law, and not be subject to arbitrariness and tyranny.
For this reason the Muslims objected to the demand of the Arakan Party for the status of a state for Arakan within the framework of the Union of Burma. The large majority of the Muslim organizations of the Rohinga of Maungdaw and Buthidaung demanded autonomy for the region, to be directly governed by the central government in Rangoon without any Arakanese officials or any Arakanese influence whatsoever. Their minimal demand was the creation of a separate district without autonomy but governed from the center. The Muslim members of the Constituent Assembly, and later the Muslim M.P’s from Arakan raised this demand also during the debates in Parliament and in the press.
In the years 1960 to 1962, the Rohinga organizations and the respective Arakanese Muslim organizations initiated frantic activities with reference to the Muslim status in Arakan, and especially in the regions of Maungdaw and Buthidaung. This was in response to the promise made by U Nu on the eve of the general elections of 1960, that if his party won, he would confer the status of a “State” upon Arakan, within the framework of the Union of Burma, on a par with the “statehood” of the other integral states of the Union. After winning the elections, U Nu appointed an enquiry commission to study all the problems involved in the question of Arakan.
The Rohinga Jamiyyat al-'Ulama’ submitted to this enquiry commission a long and explanatory memorandum on the position of the Muslims of northern Arakan. The memorandum stated that the Muslims of this region constitute a separate racial group which is in absolute majority there; it called for the creation of a special district to be directly subject to the central government in Rangoon. The memorandum also demanded that the district have a “district council” of its own which shall be vested with local autonomy. As a compromise solution, the authors of the memorandum agreed to the district being a part of the Arakan “State”; however, they insisted that the Head of “State” was to be “counseled” by the Council in the appointment of officials and in all matters concerning the district and its problems. The appointed officials would also be briefed and advised by the Council. The district would also receive direct allocations for its needs and would enjoy particular attention in matters of culture, economies, and education.
The Rohinga Youth Association held a meeting in Rangoon on July 31, 1961, where the call was issued not to grant the status of “State” to Arakan because of the community tensions still existing between Muslims and Buddhists since the 1942 riots. A similar resolution was taken by the Rohinga Students Association, with the additional warning that if it is decided, despite all protest, to set up the “State”, this would require the partition of Arakan and the awarding of separate autonomy to the Muslims.
Muslim Members of Parliament from Maungdaw and Buthidaung likewise petitioned the government and the enquiry commission not to include their regions in the planned Arakan “State”. They had no objection to the creation of such a state, but only without the districts of Buthidaung, Maungdaw, and part of Rathedaung, where the Muslims were in the majority. These districts must be formed into a separate unit in order to ensure the existence of the Rohinga. Forcing the creation of a single state upon all of Arakan would be likely to lead to the renewed spilling of blood.
The problem of the Muslims of Akyab and the other regions of Arakan, where the Muslims were in the minority, were more complicated and their position led to tensions among the Rohinga organizations. There were those who deemed it pointless to object to U Nu’s plan of “Statehood” and therefore supported the granting of the status of “State” to the whole of Arakan, including the Muslim regions. They feared that separation of these regions would redound to the detriment of the Muslims in the rest of Arakan. They of course demanded guarantees and assurances for the protection of the Muslims; to this end they insisted that Muslims be co-opted to serve as members of the preparatory committee which would deal with the creation of the “State”. In the memorandum submitted to the enquiry commission by the organization of Arakanese Muslims (of Sultan Mahmud), it was explained that they would support the “State” only on two conditions: if the Arakanese Buddhists would support their demands; and if the constitutions of the “State” would include, specifically, religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative, and educational guarantees for Muslims. The Head of State of the new “State” of Arakan would alternate: once a Muslim and once a non-Muslim. When the Head of State was a Muslim, the Speaker of the State Council would be a non-Muslim, but his deputy, a Muslim; and vice versa. The same arrangement would also be in effect in the appointments, committees and other bodies. No less than one-third of the “State’s” ministers were to be Muslims. No law affecting Muslims would be passed unless and until the majority of the Muslim Members of the Council voted for it. In the matter of appointments to jobs in Muslim areas, the Chief of State would act on the advice of the Muslim Members of his Cabinet. In all appointments to government posts, to public services, to municipal positions and the like, Muslims would enjoy a just proportion in accordance with their percentage in the population. In filling the appointments allotted to Muslims, the Muslim candidates would compete among themselves. The government would attentively meet the educational and economic needs of the Muslims. No pupil would be forced to participate in religious classes not of his own religion. Every religious sect would be allowed training in his own religion in all institutions of learning. Every and any religious sect would be permitted to set up its own educational institutions that would be recognized by the government. Muslims would be completely free to develop their own special Rohingya language and culture, and to spread their religion. A special officer for Muslim Affairs would be appointed whose job it would be to investigate complaints and obstructions, and to report on them to the Chief of State. For a period of ten years from the date of the establishment of the “State”, the right would be reserved to every district - and especially to those of northern Arakan - to secede from the “State” and transfer itself to the direct jurisdiction of the central government in Rangoon. Those supporting these demands suggested bearing in mind the examples offered by the viable arrangements existing between the Muslims and Christians in Lebanon, between the Greeks and Turks in Cyprus, and among the Chinese, Malays, Indians, and Pakistanis in Singapore; only such just arrangements between Muslims and Buddhists could vouch for the success of the State of Arakan.
At long last, it was on the first of May, 1961, in the provinces of Maungdaw, Buthidaung and the western portion of Rathedaung the government set up the Mayu Frontier Administration (MFA). It was not an autonomy, for the region was administered by Army officers; since it was not placed under the jurisdiction of Arakan, however, the new arrangement earned the agreement of the Rohingya leaders, especially as the new military administration succeeded in putting down the rebellion and in bringing order and security to the region.
At the beginning of 1962 the government prepared a draft law for the establishment of the “State” of Arakan and, in accordance with Muslim demand, excluded the Mayu District. The military revolution took place in March, 1962. The new government cancelled the plan to grant Arakan the status of a “State”, but the Mayu District remained subject to the special Administration that had been set up for it.

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08 April, 2018

The Traditional Demand of the Rohingya of North Arakan (2) by Aman Ullah

By Aman Ullah
Jamiatul Ulama in North Arakan, the first Political Organization of Rohingya, was established in 1932 under the leadership of Moulana Abdus Subhan Mazaheri. Moulan Habibur Rahman. Moulana Amir Hamza, mufti Saeedur Rahman, Moulana Sayed Azeem, Moulana Sultan Ahmad, Moulana Abdush Shakur and Moulana Abul Khair were prominent members of Majlis-e Shoura.
In 1947, Aung San and his companions took a stoppage in Delhi on their way to London to meet British Prime Minister Lord Clement Atley. During their stay in Delhi, they met Qaide Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Jawaherlal Nehru. As Jamiat got the news of Burmese delegate a week before, formed a 4 members delegate to meet them. The Jamiat delegate was as follows:
1-Moulan Abdul Quddus Mazaheri (1924-1993),
President of Jamiat, head of the delegate
2-Maulana Sultan Ahmad General Secretary of Jamiat, member
3-Moulana Abu Bakr Siddique member executive comity of Jamiat, member
4-Three other people one of them a Muslim scholar from Rangoon
They met Aung San and his companions at the residence of Jauharlal Nehru at New Delhi and talked to them for 25 minutes. They submitted a memorandum to them demanding the following issues:
1. To rehabilitate those Muslim Refugees evicted and driven away by torture and tyranny mainly Arakanese Muslims who had been forced to take shelter for their lives in the Districts of Rangpur, Dinajpur and other places of the then British India.
2. To give freedom in the observance of Religious rights in Burma regularly and peacefully;
3. To revive the pilgrimage of Hjis which was suspended due to the world war II;
4. Not to frame any law in the constitution of Burma without the opinion and consent of minorities of Burma;
5. To make obligatory for the Government for providing employment to the minorities of Burma in proportion to their population, fitness and qualification;
6. The Government should make provision for the equal seats of the Muslims of Burma in the parliament as the second majority on the basis of Equality, Justice and Fair-play.
With the regard to above items from No.1 to 5, General Aung San and his Party promised to materialize the terms and conditions of the delegation except the items No.6, which he agreed to refer to the parliament for consideration later on.
On 7 March 1947, Jamiatul Ulama of North Arakan under the leadership of Barrister Dr. Maulana Sana Ullah met British parliament member Ross William –head of Ross William Commission– in the city of Memyo and submitted a memorandum wherein they demanded that area between Kaladan and Naf River should be declared as a state pertaining to Rohingya Muslims.
A conspiracy was fabricated to deprive Rohingya Muslims of their right to vote in the Legislative Council election in 1947 labeling them as foreigners, alien and intruders and a large number of Muslims’ names were removed from the voters list. It was all done in the sight of world community. The Jamiat resisted the evil move and eventually became able to restore a plausible numbers of their names in the voter list. Mr. Sultan Ahmad President of Jamiat and his deputy Mr. Abdul Ghaffar were elected members in the Legislative Council to the Burma. The Jamiat also got elected in both upper house and lower house after independence. A great deal of efforts was met to achieve an autonomous state in North Arakan for Rohingya Muslims.
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04 January, 2018

Answers to denialism: a piece of latest research finding by U Kyaw Min

      

image
Sandi Khan Mosque in Mrauk U and Badar Makan Mosque in Sittwe were recognized as Muslim edifices in almost all chronicles written earlier by native as well as foreign writers, but today some ultra nationalists are denying their authentic historicity. So, here I would like to shed some lights on their being Muslim Mosque where Sandi Khan Mosque was built by King Saw Maun for his Bengal retinues who came to help him regain Arakan Throne which he lost earlier. Here I would like to request to Francis Wade, a Myanmar specialist to allow me to quote his latest research.
Francis Wade’s “Myanmar’s enemy within 2017,” a best seller narrated:
For much of the past millennium the busy trade along the shores of western Myanmar meant Rakhine Kingdom was populated by a large and transient – immigrant community and before its annexation by King Budaw Paya (Burma king) in 1784, Rakhine kings had been compelled to cultivate an inclusive attitude towards their subjects on account of the myriad different religious and ethnic communities that lived there. – – – The early Persian and Indian seafarers who arrived from the ninth early century onwards were small in number and had made only a minor impact on local society, but this began to change around in the fifteenth century – – – Bangali kings that ruled territories to the west of Rakhine had helped several of their Rakhine counter parts to retain the throne against the maneuvering of the rivals. The Rakhine King Min Saw Maun (Narameikla) fled to Bengal in the early fifteenth century following attacks by Burma armies from the east and spent 24 years under the protection of the Sultan of Bengal. When he returned to establish the city of Mrauk U, he built Mosques (such as Sandi Khan Mosques) alongside the pagodas that dotted in their hundreds the hill surrounding the city (Sandi Khan Mosques was demolished some years ago). For two centuries after, Rakhine king would use Muslim designations for their names and mint coins with Persian inscriptions to make the bountiful trade with westerly kingdoms easier. Despite the region soon bearing the marks of strong Islamic influence, religious differences had not provided the source of violent contestation they do now. (Francis Wade P.60)- – –
As the British moved in and imposed their own designs on the foreign land, borders were drawn in place of porous frontiers. Those frontiers had once shifted regularly, causing communities to belong to different territories at different times, or sometimes to none at all. Yet over time, what had been somewhat arbitrary boundaries came to be accepted as natural lines of division between nations and the people that inhabited them – – -. After Rakhine was annexed to Myanmar at the close of the eighteenth century, some 200000 Rakhine , both Buddhist and Muslims , fled west, crossing the Naf River and the mountains that roll down from the Chittagong, to areas of sanctuary where they wouldn’t  be reached by Bodawpaya’s marauding forces. Later convulsions of violence on either side of the border would cause communities to move back and forth repeatedly. Sometimes they stayed and settled, sometimes not. But by the time it was redrawn after the departure of the British in the middle of the twentieth century, the communities of each country had developed a degree of attachment to their land, as did the peoples of post-colonial societies the world over that only a modern-day nation state could generate. [Ibid p-64-65]
In this context Dr. J. Leider, an Arakan expert writes:
among the tens of thousands of Rakhine who fled Arakan for Bengal due to Burmese fiscal oppression and forced labor at the end of 18th century, there were also Muslims but one cannot  guess at their percentage. They assimilated more easily than the Rakhine within the society in Chittagon district where they had earlier came from. Many may have returned to Arakan after British occupation in 1825, but there were no statistical sources about the return of either Buddhist or Muslims.- – – (A J. Leider, competing identities, 2016 p-19) . Leider further writes there was a Muslim community in Rakhine at the moment of the conquest in 1784 and on the other hand, that both Muslims and Hindus were among those hundreds and thousands of Rakhine who had been deported and resettled in upper Myanmar. These Muslims spoke an Indian language of their own in which they called themselves of Rooinga. – – – quoting Dr Than Tun’s  Royal order of 17th November, 1807, Leider further writes “the Rakhine Punnas (Court Brahmins and Ceremonial Specialists who come all from Bengal) were collectively deported to Amarapura and became a new elite at the Konbaung Court. The king appointed Abhisha  Husseini, the head of Rakhine Muslims as head of all the Muslims of Myanmar. (J. Leider: the name, the movement, the quest for identities, 2014, p-10-12)
Francis Wade describes:
at around the same time (when Arakan was annexed to Burma empire) those ethnic Rakhine were fleeing into Bengaladesh in the late eighteenth century, a Scottish physician by the name of Francis Buchanan was moving between the communities of Myanmar documenting the various groups that lived there.  Under the title– “A Comparative Vocabulary of Some of the languages Spoken in the Burma Empire,” he produced perhaps one of the most comprehensive studies of the peoples of the region prior to the beginnings of colonial rule. In it he noted “three dialects, spoken in the Burma Empire, but evidently derived from the language of the Hindu nation. The first is that spoken by the Mohaammedans, who have long settled in Arakan, and who call themselves Rooinga, or natives of Arakan.” [Ibid, P-65]
Rohingya cite this, and subsequent references in European texts to Buchanan’s findings as evidence of their presence in the region prior to the British conquest of Rakhine in 1826 and the influx of workers from the subcontinent that followed it. They also point to the fact that Rohingay were recognized, at least vocally, by U Nu, and served as members of parliament, and even ministers, in the post-independence government. Throughout the 1950s, 1960s and into the 1970s officials documents referenced the Rohingya as inhabitants of northern Rakhine state. The denialism that is so pervasive now wasn’t commonplace within the government after independence. The Rohingya could organize politically- the government sanctioned the Rohingya students Association at Rangon University-and the group had its own thrice-weekly Rohingya –language radio broadcast. [p-65-66]
But as the regime sought to fix the ethnic landscape of Myanmar with a rigidity that bore little resemblance to the Myanmar of old, groups considered foreign to the country were gradually excluded. The hardening of an exclusive Rakine Buddhist identity that resulted from the  Burmanisation project, coupled with the removal of the “ Rakhine Muslims” category from the 135-strong index of ethnic groups, compelled the Muslims of the state to cleave more tightly to another label, one that had a history in Myanmar going back to at least the late eighteenth century and one that , at least initially , the government recognized. The Rohingya ethnicity should therefore have stood up to the test of the general’s 1982 citizenship criteria: that of a presence in Myanmar prior to the advent of British rule in 1824. But its absence from British records provided Ne Win, who pushed the notion of an ethno-religiously “pure” Myanmar harder as time went on, with a pretext to exclude an entire group from the nation. [P-66]
The logic that, as Rohingya, they simply can’t belong, underpins their statelessness, but it doesn’t stop at the legal sphere. Instead, it has provided a rationale for denying them even the inalienable human rights that should be conferred regardless of ones’ political status. “It seems,” so wrote the German political theorist Hannah Arendt, who herself was rendered stateless by the Nazis, “that a man who is nothing but a man has lost the very qualities which makes it possible for other people to treat him as a fellow-man”. [p-67]
The architects of Rohingya statelessness would know this too. The alienation of this community from the once- plural society of Rakhine State, and the nation more broadly, and the loss of dignity that accompanied the stripping of their basics rights fuelled a process that, over the decades, has come to see the group dehumanized and ostracized altogether.(p-67-68)
Ambitious new schemes were developed to encourage even more aggressively the systematic weakening of the Rohingya, and shortly after the turn of the decade, a project to re-engineer the social landscape of northern Rakhine State took shape. The animosities that began to simmer more intensively cause Buddhist and Muslims there to grow even further apart, and provided kindling for the fire that started years later, when the body of  Ma Thidar Htwe was discovered beneath the rain tree. (p. 68)
U Hla Tun Pru, a career politician and historian and almost all Rakhine historians recognized king Saw Mons’ getting military help from Bengal king, the settlement of Bengal retinue, and the construction of Sandi Khan Mosque. Arakan was like a vassalage of Bengal for almost two centuries. From then, Mrauk U became a cosmopolitan and multicultural city, very harmonious where tigers and sheeps drink peacefully together at the same water. (Thibaut Hubert and Leider; traders and poets’ at the Mrauk U court, p-94, 2011)
This is a concise reflection of Rohingyas’ historicity. Yet recognizing above authentic and latest historical research finding, I hope, will lead us to a fair, just and win-win solution to the current Rakhine state communal crisis which is a worldwide hot issue today. Coordination and sincere consultative cooperation and engagement with all state holders are the most essential requirements for lasting sustainable peace, harmony and development.
********
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ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအတြက္ လုံျခဳံသည့္နယ္ေျမတစ္ခု တည္ေထာင္ၿပီး အိႏၵိယ၊ တ႐ုတ္ႏွင့္ အာဆီယံနိုင္ငံ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ရန္ လိုအပ္ဟု ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ နိုင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ႀကီးေျပာ

Posted on February 09, 2019   အိႏၵိယဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ မိုဒီႏွင့္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္နိုင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ႀကီး မိုမန္တို႔ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီလ (၇)...

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