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02 February, 2018

ရခိုင္ ဂူတာျပင္မွာ ေနာက္ထပ္ ရုပ္ေအလာင္း အမ်ား အျပား ေတြ႔ရွိ

ကိုးတန္ေကာက္ ရြာ မီးေလာင္ ပ်က္စီး မႈ ကို ၂၀၁၇ ခုနွစ္ က ေတြ႔ရစဉ္
ရခိုင္ ျပည္နယ္၊ ဘူးသီးေတာင္ ၿမိဳ့နယ္၊ ဂူတာျပင္ ရြာနားမွာ ေလးရာ ေလာက္ ရွိတဲ့ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ေတြရဲ့ ရုပ္ေအလာင္း ေတြ ျမႈပ္ နွံ ထားတာ ကို ေအပီ သတင္းဌာန က ေတြ႔ရွိ ခဲ့ၿပီး ဒီအမႈ ကို စုံစမ္း စစ္ေဆး ဖို့ ကုလသမဂၢ တာဝန္ ရွိသူ က ေတာင္း ဆို လိုက္ပါ တယ္။
ဂူတာျပင္ ရြာ မွာ ရာနဲ့ ခ်ီတဲ့ ရုပ္ေအလာင္း ေတြကို ျမႈပ္ နွံ ထားတာ ျဖစ္နိုင္ၿပီး တခ်ိဳ့ ေအလာင္းေတြဟာ အက္စစ္ နဲ့ ေလာင္း ၿပီး ေဖ်ာက္ဖ်က္ဖို့ စီစဉ္ ခဲ့တာ ေၾကာင့္ ရုပ္ပ်က္ ဆင္း ပ်က္ ျဖစ္ေနၾကတယ္လို့ ေအပီသတင္းမွာ ေဖာ္ျပ ပါတယ္။
ဒီ လို ေအလာင္း ေတြ အမ်ား ၾအပား ေတြ႔ ရွိရတဲ့ ကိစၥ ဟာ လူမ်ိဳးတုံး သတ္ျဖတ္မႈ ရဲ့ ဝိေသသ လကၡဏာ တစ္ခု ျဖစ္တယ္လို့ ျမန္မာ နိုင္ငံ ဆိုင္ရာ ကုလသမဂၢ လူ့အခြင့္ အ​ေရး အထူး ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ မစၥ ယန္ဟီးလီ က ေျပာဆို လိုက္ပါတယ္။

ဒီကိစၥ နဲ့ ပတ္သက္လို့ အစိုးရ ဘက္ေကရာ၊ တပ္ေမတာ္ ဘက္ က ပါ ဒီလို ရုပ္ ေအလာင္း အမ်ားၾအပား ျမႈပ္နွံ ထားတာ ကို တခါမွ သတင္း ထုတ္ျပန္ ခဲ့ျခင္းေတာ့ မရွိေသးပါဘူး။

၂၀၁၇ ခုနွစ္၊ ဩဂုတ္လ တုန္း က ရခိုင္ ျပည္နယ္၊ ဂူတာျပင္ ေက်းရြာမွာ စစ္တပ္ က လုံျခဳံေရး ရွင္းလင္းမႈ ေတြ လုပ္ခဲ့စဉ္ တုန္း က လူ ေလးရာ နီးပါး ေသဆုံး ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ နိုင္ငံ ကို ထြက္ေျပး လြတ္ေျမာက္ သြားတဲ့ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ေတြက ေျပာဆို ေနပါတယ္။

01 February, 2018

Is Rohingya Identity Artificial or Invented?

Is Rohingya Identity Artificial or Invented?
By Aman Ullah
Rohingyas are descended from local indigenous tribes who lived in Arakan since the dawn of history. They trace their ancestry to Arabs, Moors, Pathans, Moguls, Bengalis and some Indo-Mongoliod people. They are living in Arakan generation after generation for centuries after centuries and their arrival in Arakan has predated the arrival of many other peoples and races now residing in Arakan and other parts of Burma. Early Muslim settlement in Arakan dates back to 7th century AD. They developed from different stocks of people and concentrated in a common geographical location from their own society with a consolidated population in Arakan well before the Burman invasion in 1784.
The influence and power of the Muslims grew in Arakan to the extent of forming their own administrative system. There were Muslim rulers, nobles, Qazis, scholars, generals and poets etc. who developed the country’s administration, shaped a healthy socio-cultural life of the people, encouraged the growth of Islamic culture and civilization and replaced Muslim heritage in Arakan.
The Muslims of Arakan over the centuries have had many terms by which to identify themselves, including the terms Rakhine Muslim, Arakan Muslim, and Rohingya, the last of which has become more prominent in recent times.
The Muslims of Arakan called their country, in their own language, ‘Rohang or Roang’ and called themselves as Rohangya (Rohang+ya) or Roangya (Roang+ya) means native of Rohang or Roang. In Burmese it is ‘ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ’, in Rakhine’s pronunciation it will read as ‘Rohongya’ but in Burmese pronunciation it became ‘Rohingya’ and now it’s established as ‘Rohingya’. Like other peoples of the world, they have needed to identify as Rohingya to some degree for centuries.
The term Rohingya is widely used by the international community to identify as a group of Muslims of Arakan. According to Dr. Ganganath Jha of Jawaharlal Nehru University of India, the term Rohingya is derived from Rohang the ancient name of Arakan.
The Rohingya ethnicity is not real now and it was not invented recently out of blue, as some claim; it had been “gestating,” so to speak, for at least three hundred years, and the term itself was not new.
The first known record of a very similar word to Rohingya used to refer to the Muslim inhabitants of Arakan is to be found in an article about the languages spoken in the “Burma Empire” published by the Scottish physician Francis Buchanan in 1799.  He wrote: “I shall now add three dialects, spoken in the Burma Empire, but evidently derived from the language of the Hindu nation. The first is that spoken by the Mohammedans, who have long settled in Arakan, and who call themselves Rooinga, or natives of Arakan.”
In the work of Arab geographer Rashiduddin (1310 AD) Arakan appears as ‘Rahan or Raham’. The British travelers Relph Fitch (1586 AD) referred the name of Arakan as ‘Rocon’. In the Rennell’s map (1771 AD), it is ‘Rassawn’. Tripura Chronicle Rajmala mentions as ‘Roshang’. In the medieval works of the poets of Arakan and Chittagong, like Quazi Daulat, Mardan, Shamser Ali, Quraishi Magan, Alaol, Ainuddin, Abdul Ghani and others, they frequently referred to Arakan as ‘Roshang’, ‘Roshanga’, ‘Roshango Shar’, and ‘Roshango Des’. Famous European traveller Francis Buchanam (1762-1829 AD) in his accounts mentioned Arakan as “Rossawn, Rohhawn, Roang, Reng or Rung”. In one of his accounts, “A Comparative Vocabulary of some of the languages spoken in the Burman Empire” it was stated that, “The first is that spoken by the Mohammedans, who have long settled in Arakan, and who call themselves Rooinga, or natives of Arakan.” . The Persians called it ‘Rekan’.” The Chakmas and Saks from 18th century called it ‘Roang’.
However, the Rakhine nationalist claims that, the term Rohingya was created in the 1950s to promote the political demands of the Bengalis in Myanmar.
Ethnic identity is not a God-given thing, but different forms of identities are invented and reworked thorough space and time. That’s why the process of identity formation is known as ‘social construction’. And Ethnicity is not just a ‘thing’ but also a ‘process’ in which the state actors impose identities, and the people themselves actively articulate their own identities for the sake of political and material livelihood.
As Burma and Arakan state are the products of the nation-sate formation through a relatively long, history, The  name ‘Rakhne’ and the place ‘Arakan’ have been “invented” at particular points of time, just like the name “Rohinggya’ was invented another points of time. If Rohingya ‘migrated’ from Bangladesh of somewhere else at one historical point of time Rakhines must have ‘migrated’ at similar or another historical points of time. But immigrating earlier of later does not negates the problematic reality that both groups have migrated from somewhere else. None of these groups fell from the sky. The claim that the name ‘Rohingya’ is invented is unacceptable and completely contradicts the very foundational understanding of ethnicity and ethnic identity.
Dr. Michael W. Charney, School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London, tentatively suggests that, “The Rohingya identity is not more “artificial” or “invented” than any other, but the story of its ethno genesis does not fit easily in the all too narrow concept of “national races” as is currently understood in Burma: ethnic groups which were already fully formed as we know them now in pre-colonial times.”
He also suggests that “Rohingya may be a term that had been used by both Hindu and Muslim Bengalis living in Rakhaing [Arakan] since the sixteenth century, either as resident traders in the capital or as war captives resettled in the Kaladan River Valley.” ——— “Rohingya and Rakhaing [Rakhine] were not mutually exclusive ethnonyms. Rakhaing’s topography may have led to Rohingya and Rakhaing emerging as separate versions of the same term in different geographical contexts that came, in the eighteenth century to be associated closely with the predominant religious makeup of the local area concerned.”
He further pointed out that,
“The evidence available shows that the term Rohingya was not widely used to describe a distinct ethnic group until the twentieth century. I would argue that the explanation for this is as simple as that there was no reason for the Rohingya to distinguish themselves in such a manner until the rise in Burma of the Bamar and other ethno-nationalisms against British colonialism.
The beginnings of the Burmese nationalist movement were strongly Buddhist in character, and some of the first nationalist leaders were monks. Thus, Burmese nationalism acquired a religious hue from the beginning. On the other hand, the Burmese have always viewed Indians with suspicion, and particularly Muslims. At that time, the general public did not distinguish much between Burmese Muslims and Indian Muslims, so Burmese Muslims felt they needed to distance themselves from Indian Muslims throughout the country.
The tensions between Buddhists and Muslims in Arakan, which had been mounting during colonial times, came to a head in the Second World War. When the British retreated to India and the Japanese advanced in Arakan, the Rakhine Buddhists sided mostly with the Japanese and the Burmese Independence Army of Aung San, while the Muslims were armed by the British; but the conflict soon turned into a civil war between Muslims and Buddhists. When the war ended, the north was mainly Muslim, the south was mainly Buddhist, and the communal divisions reached a point of no return.
Anti-Rohingya discourses often recall the Mujahid insurgency that took place in Arakan during the fifties. As the goal of some of the insurgents was the annexation of northern Arakan by East Pakistan, Rohingya are accused of disloyalty to the Burmese State. But there was scarcely any popular support for the rebellion, and many of its victims were Rohingya. In fact, some Rohingya leaders demanded U Nu to provide them with weapons in several occasions, a demand which was never met.
Meanwhile in Rangoon, Rakhine nationalists were pushing for a separate Arakan State, while Rohingya politicians, wary of their Rakhine neighbors after the Second World War sectarian violence, demanded a separate region in the north for them ruled directly by Rangoon. And during the Parliamentary period (1948-1962) and the first years of Ne Win’s dictatorship, there were not only many Rohingya organizations, both in Arakan and Rangoon, but the government recognized Rohingya as a Burmese ethnic group, as documents compiled by Dr. Zarni show.
It was the government of Ne Win and its military successors who denied Rohingya their rights and began to persecute them, from the mid-seventies until now. And it can be argued that, paradoxically, nothing has done more to reinforce the Rohingya identity than the attempts to suppress it.
There is no historical precedent for an independent political entity for Burma as it exists now, and the different groups that make up the complex ethnic tapestry of Burma were never under the authority of a single government before the arrival of the British. Like many other post-Colonial countries, Burma emerged from British rule as a country deeply divided along ethnic and sectarian lines.
The Bamar was in some ways an underprivileged group during the colonial era but, after turning the tables in the Second World War, since independence it has become the privileged group. As a result of these competing nationalisms and the repeated attempts of the Bamar majority to impose its centralized vision of a Nation-State, the Burmese state has failed to generate a supra-national identity powerful enough to include and transcend the several ethno-nationalisms that awoke during colonial times.
The Rohingya identity is not more “artificial” or “invented” than any other, but the story of its ethnogenesis does not fit easily in the all too narrow concept of “national races” as is currently understood in Burma: ethnic groups which were already fully formed as we know them now in pre-colonial times. Others would also fail the test, because the test itself stems from a misunderstanding of ethnicity and group formation, but it is the political context that has determined that the Rohingya, and the Rohingya alone, should fail it. Their mere existence as a people is a serious challenge to the weak mainstream historical narrative imposed by the military regime.
This, and the Rohingya’s cultural, religious and linguistic differences, has made them expedient scapegoats in the context of a failed process of nation-building. Nothing glues together a divided community more than a common threat, real or imagined, and nothing has united the Rakhine and the Bamar more than identifying the Rohingya as their common enemy. The consequence is a campaign of ethnic cleansing that has been going on for decades. In this situation, it would be very naïve to believe that they are suffering such persecution because they have choose to call themselves Rohingya, a claim for ethnicity that they have as much right to make as any other community in Burma, instead of accepting the designation “Bengalis” enforced by the Burmese regime.
If, as Mr. Derek Tonkin claims, the word Rohingya “is offensive to many Burmese,” that tells us more about those Burmese than about the Rohingya themselves. Burmese define themselves and what it means to be Burmese in the very act of exclusion. What is at stake in the way that the Burmese nation treats and identifies the Rohingya and other Muslim communities is not only the future of those communities, but also the kind of Burma that the Burmese want to build for themselves.”

Myanmar: evidence of Rohingya mass graves uncovered

By Euronews
More than five mass graves reportedly found in a village in Myanmar following an investigation by the Associated Press news agency.
More than five mass graves, containing the bodies of scores of Rohingya villagers, have been discovered in a village in Myanmar, according to the Associated Press.
An investigation by the news agency is said to include multiple witness testimony and time-stamped mobile phone footage of the aftermath of the attacks, believed to have taken place last August.
Survivors say many victims are unidentifiable after soldiers tried to cover up evidence of the atrocity, with video appearing to indicate the use of acid to remove bodies.
Mohammad Karim, who fled Myanmar in December, said: “Some were dumped into rivers, some were buried, some were burnt with acid and turned into skeletons, some were chopped up, some were taken into the paddy fields and dumped there. It was very difficult to determine how many there were.
“I estimate that at least 400 people were killed. At least 10 to 20 infants were also among the dead.”
But Myanmar’s government has denied any such massacres of the Rohingya, only acknowledging one mass grave which it says contains the bodies of 10 “terrorists”.
Since August, more than 620,000 members of the Muslim minority are believed to have fled Myanmar to neighbouring Bangladesh following a military crackdown.

Myanmar: evidence of Rohingya mass graves uncovered

31 January, 2018

ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီအလားအလာ ႏွင့္ ရခိုင္အေရးယ (အပိုင္း ၁)

31 ဇန္နဝါရီ၊ 2018
အခုတပတ္ ျမန္မာ့မ်က္ေမွာက္ေရးရာ အစီအစဥ္မွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ အေမရိကန္သံအမတ္ႀကီးအျဖစ္ ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ႔သူ Derick Mitchell နဲ႔ New York ၿမိဳ႕ Carnegie Center က Devin Stewart တို႔ Bill Richardson ျပႆနာမတိုင္ခင္ ျပဳလုပ္ထားတဲ့ အေမးအေျဖ ပထမပိုင္းကို တင္ဆက္မွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဦးေက်ာ္ဇံသာ က ဘာသာျပန္ဆိုၿပီး ဦးစံမိုေဝနဲ႔အတူ တင္ဆက္ထားပါတယ္။ ၂၀၁၅ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ နဲ႔တက္လာ တဲ့ NLD အစိုးရ လက္ခံရ႐ွိခဲ့တဲ့ အေျခအေနေတြကို Derick Mitchell က ရွင္းျပထားပါတယ္။
ေျဖ ။ ။ ၂၀၁၅ ခုႏွစ္မွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ ႔ NLD ပါတီ ေရြးေကာက္ခံရေတာ့ အေရးပါတဲ့ အေျပာင္းအလဲ တခုပဲလို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒါဟာ တိုင္းျပည္ တခုလံုးရဲ ႔ ဦးေဆာင္မႈကို ေရြးခ်ယ္ခဲ့တာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ စစ္တပ္မွာ လုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ေတြ၊ အာဏာေတြ ရွိေနခဲ့တာပါ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အျပည့္အဝရေအာင္ လုပ္ႏုိင္မယ့္ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းမႈ မဟုတ္ခဲ့ပါဘူး။ အတိတ္ကက်န္ခဲ့တဲ့ စီးပြားေရး၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး၊ ပညာေရး စသျဖင့္ ျပႆနာ ေတြ က အမ်ားႀကီးပါ။ အဓိက စိန္ေခၚမႈကေတာ့ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္း ေရး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း (၇၀) ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ ျဖစ္လာခဲ့တာ တေပါင္းတစည္းထဲျဖစ္ဖုိ႔ လုိအပ္ပါတယ္။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအေရးဟာလည္း ေနာက္ျပႆနာတခုပါ။ ဒါေတြဟာ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ အခက္အခဲေတြ ျဖစ္ေနမယ္ ဆိုတာ သိသာပါတယ္။
ေမး ။ ။ အခုေလာေလာဆယ္ ပိုအေရးႀကီးတာက ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကို ျပန္ပို႔ေရး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီျပႆနာကို ျမန္မာအစိုးရက မွန္မွန္ကန္ကန္ ကိုင္တြယ္ေနတယ္လို႔ ထင္ပါသလား။
ေျဖ ။ ။ ျပန္လည္ေနရာခ်ထားေရးကို ကြက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ေျပာရမယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ လံုၿခံဳမႈ၊ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာရွိမႈ နဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ ဆႏၵအေလ်ာက္ ျဖစ္ရမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ စံသတ္မွတ္ခ်က္ေတြ ရွိပါတယ္။ တခုေသခ်ာတာကေတာ့ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြနဲ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးညိွႏိႈင္းမႈ မရွိဘူးဆိုတာ ရွင္းေနပါတယ္။ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္နဲ႔ ျမန္မာအစိုးရ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ သတ္သတ္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီလူေတြကို ျပန္လည္လက္ခံရ မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ ဖိအားကို ျမန္မာအစိိုးရက ေကာင္းၿပီ .. ျပန္ၿပီးေတာ့ လက္ခံမယ္ဆိုၿပီးေတာ့ လုပ္ေနတာ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ျဖစ္စဥ္က သိပ္ၿပီး ေတာ့ အေရးႀကီးပါတယ္။ ဒီလူေတြက ေၾကာက္ရြံ ထိတ္လန္႔ ေနတဲ့ အေျခအေနေတြေၾကာင့္ ထြက္ေျပး သြားရတာပါ။ သူတုိ႔ရဲ ႔ မိသားစုေတြ မုဒိမ္းက်င့္ခံရတယ္၊ အသတ္ခံရတယ္ စသျဖင့္ ေမးခြန္းထုတ္စရာကိစၥေတြက အမ်ားႀကီးပါ။
ေမး ။ ။ ဒီအၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြကို ဘယ္သူေတြက လုပ္ခဲ့သလဲ။ စစ္တပ္လား။ ေဒသခံလက္နက္ကိုင္ေတြလား။ အစိုးရအမိန္႔နဲ႔ လုပ္ခဲ့ သလား ဆုိတာကိုလည္း ေျပာပါအံုး။
ေျဖ ။ ။ အတိအက် ေျပာဖို႔က ခက္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေနရာကို က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ သြားေရာက္ခြင့္ မရွိပါဘူး။ ဘက္လိုက္မႈမရွိတဲ့ အကဲခတ္ေလ့လာသူေတြနဲ႔ အတည္မျပဳႏုိင္ၾကပါဘူး။ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ဘက္ကို ေရာက္လာတဲ့ ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကို ေမးျမန္းခ်က္ေတြ၊ ၿဂိဳဟ္တုကေန ရိုက္ထားတဲ့ ဓါတ္ပံုေတြ ပဲ ရွိပါတယ္။ သေဘာက ဒီလိုပါ … ဟိုအေစာပိုင္းတုန္းက ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဆိုတဲ့ နာမည္နဲ႔ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္စခန္းေတြကို စတိုက္တဲ့အတြက္ စစ္တပ္က လက္တံု႔ျပန္တဲ့ သေဘာပါ။ တိုက္ခိုက္တဲ့လူေတြကို လုိက္ရွင္းရင္ ပိုၿပီးျပင္းထန္လာတဲ့ သေဘာပါ။ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တာေတြကေတာ့ သံသယရွိစရာ မလိုပါဘူး။
ဒါေပမဲ့ အခုေလာေလာဆယ္မွာ က်ေနာ္ အဓိက ေျပာခ်င္ တာက ဒီ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဘာျဖစ္တယ္၊ ညာျဖစ္တယ္ စြပ္စြဲေျပာဆုိရင္နဲ႔ ဒီလူေတြ ထိုးေကၽြးခံ ေနရမယ့္အစား သူတုိ႔ကာလအတန္ၾကာ ဆံုးရႈံးေနခဲ့ရတဲ့ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာရွိတဲ့ဘဝ ရရွိေစေရး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ေမး ။ ။ ခင္မ်ား ရခိုင္ကို ေရာက္ဖူးပါသလား။ ရခိုင္ေဒသအေၾကာင္းလည္း ေျပာပါအံုး။ သိပ္ဆင္းရဲတဲ့ ေဒသလို႔ ၾကားရပါတယ္။ လူေတြဟာ ဘယ္လုိအေျခ အေနမ်ဳိးေတြေၾကာင့္ ထြက္ေျပးလာရသလဲဆိုတာကို ၾကားခ်င္ပါတယ္။
ေျဖ ။ ။ အႀကိမ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ေရာက္ဖူးပါတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာက ဘဝမ်ဳိးစံုပါပဲ။ လယ္သမားေတြ ရွိသလို၊ ငါးဖမ္းေရ လုပ္သားေတြလည္း ရွိပါတယ္။ အင္မတန္ လွပတဲ့ေနရာ ပါ။ ဘဂၤလားပင္လယ္ေအာ္ ကမ္းရိုးတန္းတေလွ်ာက္ပါပဲ။ ခရီးသြားလုပ္ငန္း ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္လာမယ့္ အလားအလာ သိပ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ေကာင္းပါတယ္။ စိုက္ခင္းေတြကလည္း တေမွ်ာ္တေခၚပါ။ ရခိုင္နဲ႔ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ သီးျခားေက်းရြာေတြ ရွိသလို၊ အျပန္အလွန္ ကူးလူးဆက္ဆံေနၾကတာပါ။ ရင္းရင္းႏီွးႏီွး ၿငိမ္းၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းခ်မ္း ေနထိုင္ခဲ့ၾကတာပါ။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ မ်ားေသာအားျဖင့္ လယ္ယာလုပ္ငန္းနဲ႔ ေစ်းသည္အျဖစ္ လုပ္ကိုင္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဆိုေတာ့ စီးပြားေရးအရ ရခိုင္ေတြနဲ႔ ေရာေထြးေပါင္းစပ္ေနတာပါ။ ဒီလိုအေျခအေနေတြဟာ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြေၾကာင့္ ၿပိဳပ်က္သြားခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ ရခိုင္အမ်ားအျပားကလည္း ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြ မရွိၾကေတာ့လို႔ အသက္ေမြးဝမ္းေၾကာင္း ဆံုးရႈံးၾကရပါတယ္။
ေမး ။ ။ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈ ျဖစ္ရတဲ့အေၾကာင္းရင္းေတြက ဘာေတြလို႔ ေျပာမလဲ။ သမိုင္းေၾကာင္း ေနာက္ခံေၾကာင့္ လား။ ဘာေၾကာင့္ စျဖစ္ရပါသလဲ။
ေျဖ ။ ။ သိပ္ၿပီးေတာ့ နက္ရိႈင္းပါတယ္။ ႏွစ္ဘက္စလံုးမွာ က်န္တဘက္ကို အျပစ္တင္တဲ့ ဇာတ္ေၾကာင္းကိုယ္စီ ရွိၾကပါတယ္။ ရခိုင္ေတြဆိုရင္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးတမ်ဳိး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ဟာ လူအမ်ားစု ဗမာေတြကို မေက်နပ္ၾကပါဘူး။ တျခားတုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးစုေတြကလည္း ဒီလိုပါပဲ။ ကိုယ္ပိုင္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္၊ ေလးစားခံရမႈနဲ႔ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ထိန္းသိမ္းခြင့္ ရရွိေရးတို႔အတြက္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ တိုက္ခိုက္လာခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ဆုိေတာ့ ရခိုင္ေတြက ဒီျပႆနာကို ဗမာေတြ ဖန္တီးေပးတယ္။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြ ကို အတင္းလက္ခံခိုင္းတယ္။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ ႏုိင္ငံသား ေတြ မဟုတ္လုိ႔ ဘယ္မွသြားခြင့္ မရွိပါဘူး။ ဒီလိုနဲ႔ ရခုိင္ေတြအတြက္ ျပႆနာျဖစ္ေအာင္ လုပ္ထား တယ္လို႔ မွတ္ယူၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ သူတုိ႔ဟာ ဗမာေတြကို မေက်နပ္ၾကပါဘူး။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကို မေက်နပ္ၾကပါဘူး။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကိုပဲ ဂရုစိုက္ ၾကရမလား ဆိုၿပီးေတာ့ ျပည္ပႏိုင္ငံ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြ ကိုလည္း မေက်နပ္ၾကပါဘူး။
တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာပဲ ရခိုင္ေတြဟာ ဒုကၡေရာက္ေနၾကပါ တယ္။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြၾကေတာ့ ရခိုင္ေတြက သူတုိ႔ကို ဒုတိယတန္းစားလို ဆက္ဆံတယ္ဆိုၿပီးေတာ့ ခံစားၾကရပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ကိုယ္သူတို႔ မတရားခုိးဝင္ လာသူေတြလို႔ မယူဆၾကပါဘူး။ ရခုိင္ေတြကေတာ့ အဲဒီလို ယူဆထားၾကပါတယ္။ ဆိုေတာ့ ဒါဟာ သိပ္ကိုနက္ရိႈင္းတဲ့ ဝိေရာဓိပါ။
ၿပီးေတာ့ ဒုတိယကမာၻစစ္တုန္းကဆို တဘက္က ဂ်ပန္နဲ႔ေပါင္းတယ္။ က်န္တဘက္က အဂၤလိပ္နဲ႔ေပါင္း တယ္။ ဘာသာေရးအရလည္း မူစလင္ နဲ႔ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ျပႆနာၿပီးေတာ့ မူစလင္ေတြက သီးသီးျခားျခားေနေတာ့ ေဒသအတြင္းမွာ အစၥလာမ္အယူဝါဒီ ႀကီးထြားလာခ်ိန္ ဒီလူေတြဟာ အၾကမ္းဖက္သမားေတြ ျဖစ္လာႏုိင္တယ္လုိ႔ တြက္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီအေျခအေနမွာ သူတုိ႔ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ အစဥ္အလာကို ထိန္းသိမ္းရမယ္ ျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ ယူဆၾက ပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုနဲ႔ တဘက္နဲ႔တဘက္ အျပန္အလွန္ ေၾကာက္ရြံေနၾကတာလည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ေမး ။ ။ ဆိုေတာ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရး တျဖည္းျဖည္း အရွိန္ရလာၿပီ၊ စစ္တပ္အေရးပါတဲ့ အစိုးရကေန တျဖည္းျဖည္း လြတ္ကၽြတ္လာၿပီဆိုရင္ ဒီျပႆနာ ေမွးမိွန္သြားမယ္လို႔ ထင္ပါသလား။
ေျဖ ။ ။ ခင္မ်ား ဒီေမးခြန္းကိုေမးတာ ဝမ္းသာပါတယ္။ ထူးဆန္းအံ့ၾသဖို႔ေကာင္းတာက ဒီအေျခအေနမွာ ဒီမိုကေရစီနဲ႔ အလုပ္မျဖစ္ႏုိင္တဲ့ကိစၥပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီမုိကေရစီေၾကာင့္ အေျခအေနဆိုးတာေတာ့ လံုးဝ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္း ဒီမုိကေရစီ ထြန္းကားေရးအတြက္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ အားေပးၾကရမွာပါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ၂၀၁၅ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတုန္းက ဒီ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြ အတြက္ ကိုယ္စားျပဳခဲ့တာ မရွိပါဘူး။ ဒါကို သြားလုပ္ရင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ေသေၾကာင္းႀကံစည္ရာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ ႔က ဒါကို တုိင္းျပည္အတြက္ အႏၱရာယ္ျဖစ္ႏုိင္တယ္လို႔ ယူဆထားၾကတာပါ။ ဆိုေတာ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ နီးလာေလ၊ အစိုးရအေနနဲ႔ ျပႆနာကို ကိုင္တြယ္ဖို႔ ခက္ေလ ျဖစ္တာပါ။ သူတုိ႔က ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္ ကိုင္တြယ္ခ်င္သိေအာင္ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိး (၉၀) ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းက ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ သူတုိ႔ႏုိင္ငံက တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြ မဟုတ္ဘူးလို႔ ျမင္ေနၾကတာပါ။ တခါ စစ္တပ္ကလည္း အာဏာႀကီးေနေတာ့ တိုင္းျပည္ကို ကာကြယ္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ ဆုိရင္ သူတုိ႔ႀကိဳက္တာ သူတုိ႔လုပ္ႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ လူထုကလည္း ေထာက္ခံမွာပါ။ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီးေတာ့ စစ္တပ္ဟာ လူထုရဲ ႔ ေထာက္ခံမႈကို မႀကံဳစဖူး ႀကီးႀကီးမားမား ရရွိေနတာပါ။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အေနနဲ႔ ဒီအေျခအေနကို ေမ့ေပ်ာက္ထားလို႔ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါဘူး။ ဒါဟာ ဗုဒၶ ဘာသာ တုိင္းျပည္ရဲ ႔ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာ၊ လံုၿခံဳေရးကို ကာကြယ္တဲ့ ကိစၥပါ။ သူဟာ တုိင္းျပည္ကို အက်င့္သိကၡာအရ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေနရသူပါ။ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ရႈေထာင့္က ၾကည့္ရင္ေတာ့ ဘဝင္က်စရာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အေျခအေန ဘယ္ေလာက္ရႈပ္ေထြးေနတယ္။ ဘယ္ေလာက္ ခက္ခဲေနတယ္ဆိုတာကို က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ နားလည္ရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ စာနာမႈ အေထာက္အပံ့နဲ႔ ကူညီေပးမယ့္ကိစၥေတြ လြယ္ကူေပမယ့္ က်ယ္က်ယ္ ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ အေျဖရွာဖို႔ဟာ သိပ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ခက္ခဲပါတယ္။
ေမး ။ ။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ကမာၻတဝွမ္းမွာလည္း လူေတြ အတြက္ အေရးအႀကီးဆံုးက လံုၿခံဳမႈနဲ႔ အေျခခံစားဝတ္ ေနေရးကိစၥေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုတာက အခုအခါမွာ ဇိမ္ခံပစၥည္းတခုလို ျဖစ္လာေနတာပါ။ ဆိုေတာ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသား အမ်ားစုက ဒီမုိကေရစီကို လိုခ်င္ၾကတယ္ ထင္ပါသလား။
ေျဖ ။ ။ သူတို႔ လိုခ်င္ၾကတယ္လို႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။ လံုးဝေသခ်ာပါတယ္။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ (၂၅) နွစ္တုန္းကလည္း ဆိုဗီယက္ျပည္ေထာင္စုႀကီး ၿပိဳကြဲၿပီးေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံအမ်ား အျပား ဒီမုိကေရစီ လိႈင္းတပိုးေတြ ျမွင့္တက္လာခဲ့ပါ တယ္။ တခါတခါ လူေတြက ဒီမိုကေရစီေပၚမွာ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ထားတာ သိပ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ျမင့္မားလြန္တယ္လို႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီရရင္ပဲ အေမရိကန္လုိ၊ ဂ်ပန္လို အာဏာႀကီးထြားလာမယ္။ ခ်မ္းသာလာေတာ့မယ္လို႔ ထင္တတ္ၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီလိုျဖစ္လာႏုိင္စရာ မရွိိတဲ့ အေျခအေနေတြလည္း ရွိတတ္ပါတယ္။
တခါ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလိုိ ႏုိင္ငံမ်ဳိးမွာ လူေတြဟာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း (၅၀) စကားေျပာခြင့္ ပိတ္ပင္ခံခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာဆုိခြင့္ရေအာင္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က အားေပး ကူညီခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ ေျပာလာ ေတာ့ ေျပာတာေတြကို က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ မႀကိဳက္ပါဘူး။ က်ေနာ္တို႔က Civil Liberty ျပည္သူ႔လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ကို ေျပာေစခ်င္ပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔က သူတို႔ေျပာခ်င္တာကို ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဒါကို ဘယ္လို ကိုင္တြယ္ရမွာလဲ။ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ေျပာဆိုခြင့္နဲ႔ လူတိုင္းကို ကာကြယ္ ရမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ တာဝန္ကို ဘယ္လုိ ထိန္းညိွၾကမလဲ။
ေမး ။ ။ သူတုိ႔ ေျပာတာကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ မႀကိဳက္ဘူး ဆိုတဲ့ေနရာမွာ ဘယ္သူကို ေျပာတာလဲ။ အခုတေလာ သိပ္နာမည္ႀကီးေနတဲ့ ဦးဝိရသူ ကို ေျပာတာလား။
ေျဖ ။ ။ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ သူတေယာက္တည္း မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ သူက အဲဒီသေဘာထား ရွိသူေတြကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳတယ္ ဆိုတာ မွန္ပါတယ္။ လူေတြက ဒီ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဆိုသူေတြဟာ ဥပေဒမဲ့ ခုိးဝင္လာသူေတြ၊ မူစလင္ေတြက အႏၱရာယ္ တရပ္ ျဖစ္ေစတယ္ စသျဖင့္ ေျပာဆိုေနၾကတာပါ။ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ ေျပာရရင္ racism လူမ်ဳိးခြဲျခားေရးဝါဒ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါကလဲ လူမႈအဖြဲ႔အစည္းတိုင္းမွာ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ လူတုိင္းမွာလည္း ဒီလိုပဲ ရွိတတ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါကို ဘယ္လို ကိုင္တြယ္ေျဖရွင္းမလဲဆိုတာက အေရးႀကီး ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေအာက္မွာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း (၅၀) ေနခဲ့ရေလေတာ့ ဒီကိစၥကို လံုးဝျပစ္ပယ္ ထားခဲ့တာပါ။ အခုေတာ့ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ေအးခဲထားခဲ့တဲ့ ျပႆနာကို အခု ႀကံဳေတြ႔ေနရပါၿပီ။
ေမး ။ ။ ခင္မ်ားနဲ႔ Kurt Campbell တုိ႔ဟာ Obama အစိုးရလက္ထက္တုန္းက ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမူဝါဒ ခ်မွတ္တဲ့ ေနရာမွာ အေကာင္အထည္ ေဖာ္တဲ့ေနရာမွာ အင္မတန္ တက္တက္ၾကြၾကြ ပါဝင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ နဲ႔ Cuba ႏိုင္ငံတို႔ဟာ သူ႔လက္ထက္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားဆက္ဆံေရးမွာ အေအာင္ျမင္ဆံုး ႏုိင္ငံေတြလို႔လဲ ယူဆခဲ့ၾကတာပါ။ အခုျပန္ေျပာင္းၾကည့္မယ္ဆိုရင္ ခင္မ်ားရဲ ႔ ထိေတြ႔ ဆက္ဆံမႈေတြဟာ သိပ္ၿပီးေစာခဲ့တယ္လို႔ သံုးသပ္ မိပါသလား။
ေျဖ ။ ။ ဒီေမးခြန္းဟာ တခ်ိန္လံုး အေမးခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ ေမးခြန္း ပါ။ က်ေနာ္နဲ႔ လုပ္ေဖာ္ကိုင္ဖက္ေတြၾကား မၾကာခဏ ေျပာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ရခိုင္နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ငါတုိ႔ ဒီထက္ပိုၿပီးေတာ့ လုပ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့တာ ရွိသလားလုိ႔။ က်ေနာ္ အခု Myanmar Days ဆိုတဲ့ ေခါင္းစဥ္နဲ႔ က်ေနာ့္ အေတြ႔အႀကံဳ စာအုပ္တအုပ္ေရးဖို႔ လုပ္ေနပါတယ္။ George Orwell ရဲ ႔ Burmese Days လို႔ေပါ့။ အားလံုးကို ၿခံဳၾကည့္ရင္ ေနာင္တရတာ မရွိပါဘူး။ က်ေနာ္ တာဝန္ယူခဲ့တုန္းက ရခိုင္အေရး၊ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအေရးဟာ အမဲစက္တစက္ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ အၿမဲေျပာပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ရဲ ႔ မူဝါဒေတြ၊ လုပ္ေဆာင္ခ်က္ေတြ သိပ္လက္ေတြ႔ က်တယ္လို႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။
က်ေနာ္တို႔ တာဝန္ဟာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကို ကယ္တင္ဖုိ႔ မဟုတ္ ပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈရဖို႔အတြက္လည္း က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ တာဝန္ယူထားတာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ ႔ တာဝန္သာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူတို႔ဘာသာ သူတုိ႔ တိုက္ပြဲဝင္ ရုန္းကန္တာကိုပဲ က်ေနာ္တို႔က ကူညီတာပါ။ ဒီအတြက္ က်ေနာ္ သိပ္ၿပီးေတာ့ ဂုဏ္ယူပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္က ေနျပည္ေတာ္နဲ႔ က်ေနာ္ေနတဲ့ ရန္ကုန္ကလြဲရင္ ရခိုင္မွာ အမ်ားဆံုး ေနခဲ့ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ သူတုိ႔ကို သတိေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အခ်ိန္ကာလဟာ မင္းတို႔ဘက္မွာ မရွိဘူး။ မင္းတုိ႔လည္း အက်ဳိးရွိမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူးလို႔ ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ တကယ္လဲ သူတုိ႔အတြက္ အက်ဳိးမရွိပါဘူး။ အခုျဖစ္တဲ့ကိစၥမွာ ရခိုင္ဘက္က မႏုိင္ပါဘူး။ ျမန္မာျပည္သူေတြ မႏုိင္ပါဘူး။ အရႈံးအႏိုင္ ျပန္ေျပာရင္ ဒီကိစၥမွာ ဘယ္သူမွ မႏုိင္ပါဘူး။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ အထီးက်န္ပစ္ပယ္ခံရတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ရဲ ႔ ဂုဏ္သတင္း ရိုက္ခ်ဳိးခံလုိက္ရတယ္။ ရင္းႏီွးျမဳပ္ႏံွမႈေတြ ဆံုးရႈံးတယ္။ တရုတ္ဆီကပဲ လာေတာ့တယ္။ တရုတ္ကို ႀကိဳက္မႀကိဳက္ေတာ့ က်ေနာ္ မေသခ်ာပါဘူး။ ရခိုင္ေတြကလည္း လုိအပ္ေနတဲ့ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္မႈ၊ ေလးစားခံရမႈေတြ ဆံုးရႈံးခံတဲ့အျပင္ လံုၿခံဳေရး စိတ္မခ်ႏုိင္တဲ့ အေျခအေနကို ေရာက္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။

Make Annandacandra Inscription as a UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage

By Aman Ullah
A seminar was held a seminar at the name and style of “Seminar on Sanskrit Literature of Rakihine” at Tawin Gurdan Hotel of Rangoon on 24th January 2018. It was participated   with many including two foreign scholars and a Rakhine scholar speaker and led by U Zaw Aye Maung, Minister of Rakine National Affairs Rangoon Division.
The seminar discussed mainly on Annadacandra inscription which was about 1300 years old and very important cultural heritage of Arakanese peoples. The seminar unanimously decides to put it to the UNESCO as a Intangible Cultural Heritage.
An Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) is a practice, representation, expression, knowledge, skills – as well as the instruments, objects, artefacts and cultural spaces that are considered by UNESCO to be part of a place’s cultural heritage. Intangible cultural heritage is considered by Member States of UNESCO in relation to the tangible World Heritage focusing on intangible aspects of culture.
The Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage was passed by the UNESCO General Conference held in 2003. At that time, the international community recognised the need to raise awareness about cultural manifestations and expressions that until then had no legal or programmatic framework to protect them.
Anandacandra Stone Inscription is a stone inscription which was erected by King Anandacandra and is a prasasti of king Anandacandra who ruled Arakan about 720 CE. That’s why it is called Anandacandra Stone inscription. Since it is now sited at the Shitthaung, it is also called the Shitthaung Pillar.
According to Pamela Gutman of Australia National University, the inscription found in Arakan dating between the 5th and 11th centuries enable us to reconstruct, in fairly broad sense, the history of the period. The most important are the royal edicts, the prasastis, which provide the framework for the political history.
The Anandacandra inscription is a priceless document, which not only has lists of the personalities of each monarch, but also some of the major events of every reign. It is not only an important epigraphic record but also it was part of a ceremonial tarana (portal) bristling with mystical connotations. The components forming this doorway were the pillar itself, a lintel, an octagonal column and a swinging gate.
The early history of this inscription pillar is a blank. It was first mentioned in the Rakhaing chronicles when it was conveyed from Vaishali on the orders of King Mong Ba Gree (reigned 1531-1553) to his Shitthaung pagoda at Mrauk U, nine miles to the south. Ten various dates are given for this event, such as 1534, 1535 and 1536. The north entrance of the pagoda then became the Inscription’s new home. On the death of Mong Ba Gree in 1553, the pillar was neglected, and thereafter for over four centuries abandoned and finally used as a gatepost.
As noted rightly by Noel Singer, “if Johnston had not been translated the contents of the Inscription, it may be remained inaccessible for well over a thousand years, would never have been known. Although the Rakhaihg chroniclers, monks and laymen alike, were incapable of deciphering the Sanskrit text, they were not above providing fictitious names and accounts of the rulers of this and other ancient sites.” (Noel F. Singer, ‘Vaisali and the Indianization’pp.39-40)
The Shitthaung pillar was first notice by Dr E. Forchhammer. According to him, “about half a mile north of the palace, is the Shiithaung pagoda erected by King Minbin, the 12th of the Mrauk-U dynasty who reigned over Arakan from A. D. 1531 to 1553. The shrine is the work of Hindu architects and Hindu workmen; the skill and art displayed in its construction and ornamentation are far beyond to what the Arakanese themselves have ever attained to; the entire structure is alien in its main features to the native architectural style….to the left hand of the entrance (north side) of the shrine a square stone pillar rises to the height of 3.3m from the socket ; each side is 2 4″(.7m) broad ; three sides are covered with inscriptions in Nagari characters; that facing the east is almost entirely defaced and the text cannot be recovered ; the inscription on the north side is also much damaged; the lines are very irregular and the letters badly engraved ; that on the west side is best preserved; the south side of the pillar has not been inscribed; the stone exhibits no ornamental designs.”(Arakan..Forchhammer p.20)
Although Forchhammer first brought this inscription to the notice of scholars, it was not until 1929, when Duroiselle sent an apparently inferior set of rubbings to the Government Epigraphist in India, that preliminary account was published ASI 1929-26 pp.146-148 and ASB 1929-26, pp. 27-30 and 59-60. A number of misconception found in this reading have been perpetuated by some Indian scholars. Under the instigation of Professor Luce, a new set of rubbings, prepared by his able assistant U Sein was sent to Professor E. H. Johnston at Oxford. With the aid of an unpublished reading of the last fifty lines prepared by Dr N. P. Cakravarti, one-time Government Epigraphist for India, Johnston made an almost complete annotated transliteration of the inscription intended for Epigraphia Birmanica. The break in publication due to the war, and Johnston’s sudden death in 1942 led to his posthumous article “Some Sanskrit Inscription in BSOAS XI (1944) prepared by Prof. Luce “from old notes on the backs of envelopes” and with an excellent translation and further annotation of the transcription by Professor L. D. Barnett. A good rubbing was published in IB IV (pls. CCCXLVIII and CCCXLIX), together with bibliography. Although the importance of the inscription was now recognized, it was not until D.C Sircar in his article  “Inscription of the Chandras of Arakan” in EI XXXII made new observation about the date and edited three new Chandra inscriptions that any significant progress in its elucidation was made.
The work of Johnston and Sircar was broght to the notice of Burmese scholars by U Myint Swe in his paper “ Annadacandra’s Sanskrit Inscription” in the Union of Burma Journal of literacy and Soial Science Vol. II,3 (Sept 1969) and again by the U Than Tha Aung, Director General of Higher Education, in his book “Annandacandra Inscription, publish by Rangoon University in 1976. (Gutman’s Ancient Arakan pp.35-36)
The Annandacandra Inscription is an invaluable heritage of Arakan, which Arakanese people regard to be very authentic and they are proud of it. It monument is the historical Heritage of all the peoples of Arakan.
Hence, we all raise our voice to make this monument to be Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) and the UNESCO must consider it in relation to the tangible World Heritage focusing on intangible aspects of culture.
However, it is worth mentioning that, the language that used in that inscription was different from Rakhine people but similar to Rohingya language.
Some of the usage of Inscription which are current or near to current in Rohingya language are: –
In the inscription     

Rohingya                English
vasti                        vasti                                          village
maya                      maya                                          love
iva                          iva/ eva                                        this
Pradesa                 fordesh                           foreign country
Jagata                    Jagat                                        World                       Satam                           Shat                          Hundred                           Krtm                         Karten                                         di
Rajyan                      Rashtri/ rajastri                            reign
Tena                            Tene/ tain                                   He
Nama                          Naame                                      Name                           Raja                           Rajah                            King

ကုလသမဂၢ အထူးသံတမန္ ပါေမာကၡ Yanghee Lee ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး အစီရင္ခံစာ အတြက္​ ခရီးထြက္​

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးဆိုင္ရာ ကုလသမဂၢအထူး သံတမန္ ပါေမာကၡ Yanghee Lee ဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအစီရင္ခံစာထုတ္ျပန္မယ့္ခရီးစဥ္ေတြအျဖစ္ Bangladeshကိုသြားေရာက္ခဲ့ၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၂၄ ရက္ကေန ဒီကေန႔ ၃၀ ရက္ေန႔အထိ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံကို သြားေရာက္ခဲ့ၿပီး February လ ၁ ရက္ ေန႔က်ရင္ ေတာင္ကိုရီးယားႏိုင္ငံ Seoul ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္မွာ သတင္းစာ႐ွင္းလင္းပြဲက်င္းပဖို႔ရွိပါတယ္။ ပါေမာကၡ Yanghee Lee ဟာBanglades ခရီးစဥ္မွာ ႏိုင္ငံ ခရီးစဥ္တုန္းကေတာ့ Cox’s Bazar ခ႐ိုင္ထဲမွာ ႐ွိတဲ့ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္စခန္းကို သြားေရာက္ေလ့လာခဲ့သလို မေန႔ကေတာ့ ထိုင္း ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္မွာရွိတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသား လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအဖဲြ႔ေတြ။ ႐ွမ္းဒုကၡသည္စခန္း ေကာ္မတီဝင္ ေတြနဲ႔ ေတ႔ြဆံုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီအေျခအေနကို ဗီြအိုေအျမန္မာပိုင္းသတင္းေထာက္ နိုင္ကြန္းအိန္ကေန သတင္းေပးပို႕ထား ပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာျပည္အတြင္း၀င္ေရာက္ဖို႕ အစိုးရကေနပိတ္ပင္ခံ ေနရတဲ့ ကုလသမဂၢလူ႔အခြင့္ေရးအထူးကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ပါေမာကၡယန္ဟီးလီနဲ႕ မေန႕ကေတြ႕ဆုံမႈအတြင္း လက္ရွိျမန္မာနိုင္ငံအတြင္း လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖါက္ခံ ေနရဆဲ အေျခအေနကို အစီရင္ခံစာမွာထဲ့သြင္း ေရးသား ဖို႕ ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့တယ္လို႕ အစည္းေ၀းတက္ရာက္တဲ့ ရွမ္းဒုကၡသည္ စခမ္းေကာ္မီတီတဦးက အခုလို ေျပာ ပါတယ္။
“အခုဗမာျပည္တိုင္းျပည္ထဲမွာျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ကိစၥေတြဘဲေနာ္။ သူ႕ရဲ႕ေနာက္ဆုံး Reportမွာထဲ့ေရးဖို႕ ကြ်န္ေတာ္က ေတာင္းဆို တယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်က္ေလးဘဲကြ်န္ေတာ္ေပးနိုင္ပါတယ္။ သူတို႕ကေျပာတယ္ ဒီသတင္းကလုံး၀မေပးထြက္ ဘူးေပါ့။”
ရွမ္းလူ႕အခြင့္အေရးအဖြဲ႕ေတြ ရွမ္းဒုကၡသည္စခန္း ေကာ္မီတီ ေတြနဲ႕ မစၥယန္ဟီးလီတို႕ မေန႕က ထိုင္းနိုင္ငံ အတြင္း ေတြ႕ဆုံ ခဲ့တဲ့အေၾကာင္းအရာေတြကို သတင္း မထုတ္ျပန္ဖို႕ မစၥယန္ဟီးလီကေန ပန္ၾကားခဲ့တယ္လို႕ အဆိုပါဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းေကာ္မီတီက ဆိုပါ တယ္။
မစၥယန္ဟီးလီအေနနဲ႕ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံနဲ႕ပတ္သက္တဲ့ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးအစီရင္ခံစာအျပီးသတ္ဖို႕ ထို္င္းနိုင္ငံ မွာရွိတဲ့ ရွမ္း လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးအဖြဲ႕ေတြ ရွမ္းဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းေကာ္မီတီေတြနဲ႕ေတြ႕ဆုံခဲ့တဲ့အေျခအေနကိုေတာ့ ရွမ္းသံေတာ္ဆင့္ အယ္ဒီတာခ်ဳပ္ စိုင္းမိန္း ကဆိုပါတယ္။
“ရွမ္းလူ႕အခြင့္အေရးအဖြဲ႕ေတြနဲ႕ေတြ႕တယ္။ ေနာက္ျပီးေတာ့ဒုကၡသည္နဲ႕ဆိုင္တဲ့ေကာ္မီတီေတြ ေတြ႕တယ္။ အဲတာက ေတာ့ ေဆြးေႏြးတာထက္ေပါ့ေနာ္။ ရွမ္းအဖြဲ႕ေတြကလဲ ဒီရွမ္းျပည္ထဲမွာၾကံဳေနရတဲ့ ျပႆနာ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖါက္ ခံေနရတဲ့ဥပမာ NCA လက္မွတ္ မထိုးေသးတဲ့အဖြဲ႕ေတြရဲ႕နယ္ေျမမေျပာနဲ႕ေပါ့ ေနာ္။ အခုအပစ္ရပ္ထားတဲ့RCSS/SSA ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ နယ္ေျမမွာေတာင္ RCSSနဲ႕ပက္သက္တယ္ဆိုျပီးမွ လူထုကိုဖမ္းဆီးေထာင္ခ်ထားတာေတြရွိတယ္။ တပ္ကေန ျပီးမွ ပစၥည္းထမ္းခိုင္းတာရွိတယ္။ အဲတာေတြကိုရွမ္းလူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြကတင္ျပတယ္။ က်ဴးလြန္ခံေနရတဲ့လူ႕အခြင့္ အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖါက္မွဳေတြကို ရပ္တန္းကေနရပ္ေပးဖို႕ ယန္ဟီးလီးကို သူတို႕စာတင္ ျပီးေတာ့မွ တိုက္တြန္းေျပာဆိုတယ္လို႕ ေတာ့ေျပာတယ္။ ယန္ဟီးလီးဘက္ကလဲ သူကနားေထာင္ေပးတယ္။ မွတ္တမ္းယူသြားတယ္။ ဒီထိုင္းထဲမွာေရာက္ေန တာက ထိုင္းေမတၱာရပ္ခံခ်က္နဲ႕ သူကသတင္းေတြကို ထုတ္ျပန္ လို႕မရဘူး။”
ဒါ့အျပင္ NCA အပစ္ရပ္လက္မွတ္မထိုးနိုင္ေသးတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႕တခ်ိဳ႕နဲ႕လဲ ေတြ႕ဆုံ ခဲ့တယ္လို႕ အယ္ဒီတာခ်ဳပ္စိုင္းမိန္းက ေျပာပါတယ္။
“ရွမ္းလူမွဳအသင္းအဖြဲ႕နဲ႕ေတြ႕ျပီးေတာ့ လက္နက္ ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႕(၃)ဖြဲ႕ျဖစ္တဲ့ KNPP SSPP ျပီးေတာ့ANCေပါ့။ လက္ရွိျဖစ္ပ်က္ေနတဲ့နိုင္ငံေရးအေျခအေနေပါ့ေနာ္။”
ပါေမာကၡ ယန္ဟီးလီဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ဒီလထဲမွာ သြား ေရာက္ရမွာျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရက အဝင္မခံတဲ့ အတြက္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ကို သြားေရာက္ခဲ့အျပီး ထုိင္းႏိုင္ငံကို ၀င္ေရာက္ခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ပါေမာကၡ ယန္ဟီးလီအေနနဲ႕ ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံအတြင္း လူ႕အခြင့္ အေရးက်ဴးလြန္မွဳအစီရင္ခံစာကို အျပီးသတ္ ေရးျပီးရင္ ထုတ္ျပန္သြားမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ဇန္န၀ါရီလဆန္းပိုင္းမွာ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ သီေပါျမိဳ႕နယ္ အတြင္း ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ကေန အရပ္သားေတြအေပၚ ဖမ္းဆီးအေရးယူမွဳေတြျပဳလုပ္မွဳေတြခဲ့တယ္လို႕ ရွမ္းလူ႕အခြင့္အေရးအဖြဲ႕ရဲ႕ေျပာေရးဆိုခြင့္ရွိသူ စိုင္းလြန္႕သိုင္းက အခုလိုေျပာပါတယ္။
“တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္တဲ့ၾကားကာလမွာက ရြာသူရြာသားေတြက လယ္ယာသြားလာရင္းနဲ႕မသကၤာလို႕ေပါ့ေလ အစိုးရစစ္တပ္က ေနျပီး ေတာ့ ဒီ ဖမ္းဆီးတာတို႕ ႏွိပ္စက္တာတို႕ရွိတယ္ေနာ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႕ေတာင္းဆိုခ်င္တာကအျပစ္မဲ့ျပည္သူေတြကို အျမန္ဆုံးခ်က္ခ်င္းျပန္လႊတ္ေပးဖို႕ ဖမ္းဆီးထားတဲ့ လူေတြ အခု(၄)ေယာက္ရွိတယ္ေနာ္။ သီေပါျမိဳ႕နယ္ နန္႕ယမ္ရြာသား နဲ႕ ၀မ္မိန္ရြာသား မလြတ္ေသးဘူး။”
အဖမ္းဆီးခံရြာသားေတြျပန္လည္လႊတ္ေပးဖို႕ကိုလဲ ရွမ္းလူ႕အခြင့္အေရးမ႑ိဳင္အဖြဲ႕ကေန ဇန္န၀ါရီ(၂၆)ရက္ ေန႕မွာ ေၾကညာခ်က္ထုတ္ျပန္ထားပါတယ္။
ပါေမာကၡ ယန္ဟီးလီအေနနဲ႕ ဇန္နဝါရီလထဲ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ကုိသြားၿပီး လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး အေျခအေန ေတြကုိ စုံစမ္း စစ္ေဆး ဖုိ႔ရွိေနေပမယ့္လဲ ျပည္၀င္ခြင့္ေပးဖို႔ကိုေရာ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ဖုိ႔ကိုပါ ျမန္မာအစုိးရက ျငင္းဆန္ခဲ့ ပါတယ္။
ဒီလိုျပင္းဆန္ခဲ့တာဟာ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ဇူလုိင္လက ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ခရီးစဥ္အၿပီး ကုလလူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ေကာင္စီကို တင္သြင္း တဲ့ Ms. Yanghee Lee ရဲ႕အစီရင္ခံစာဟာ ဘက္လုိက္ ၿပီး မွ်တမႈ မရွိတဲ့အတြက္ အခုလို ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ခ်ခဲ့တာျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ျမန္မာအစုိးရက အေၾကာင္းျပန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
လက္ရွိရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္းမွာ ျမန္မာ့ တပ္မေတာ္နဲ႕ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႕ေတြ အၾကား စစ္ေရးပဋိပကၡေတြျဖစ္ပြါးေနဆဲျဖစ္သလို ဒီလိုစစ္ေရးတင္းမာမွဳအတြင္း အရပ္သားေတြအေပၚ ဖမ္းဆီးအေရးယူမွဳေတြ လက္နက္ၾကီးေတြနဲ႕ပစ္ခတ္ မွဳေၾကာင့္ထိခိုက္ေသဆုံးဒဏ္ရာရရွိမွဳေတြ အစရွိတဲ့လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖါက္မွဳျဖစ္စဥ္ ေတြ ရွိေနဆဲလို႕ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေစာင့္ၾကည့္ ေလ့လာသူေတြကေျပာပါတယ္။voa burmes news
#Credit by Aung Naing

ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအတြက္ လုံျခဳံသည့္နယ္ေျမတစ္ခု တည္ေထာင္ၿပီး အိႏၵိယ၊ တ႐ုတ္ႏွင့္ အာဆီယံနိုင္ငံ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ရန္ လိုအပ္ဟု ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ နိုင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ႀကီးေျပာ

Posted on February 09, 2019   အိႏၵိယဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ မိုဒီႏွင့္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္နိုင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ႀကီး မိုမန္တို႔ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီလ (၇)...

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